CLEVELAND, OHIO--Charges of public corruption among Republicans in Ohio
widened Thursday with a federal grand jury indicting Thomas W. Noe, a
former Republican party fundraiser, for allegedly making illegal
campaign contributions using conduit contributors.
The three-count indictment with charges of conspiracy, public
corruption, false statements and violations of the federal campaign
contribution act, alleges that beginning in October 2003, Noe made
contributions to President George W. Bush's 2004 re-election campaign
over and above the limits established by the Federal Election Campaign
Act (FECA). He did so, according to the indictment, in order to fulfill
his pledge to raise $50,000 for a Bush-Cheney fundraiser held in
Columbus, Ohio on Oct. 30, 2003.
The
indictment alleges that Noe, a close personal friend of Gov. Robert
Taft, disguised his contributions by recruiting and providing money to
friends and associates who made campaign contributions in their own
names. The indictment also alleges that Noe wrote several checks in
amounts slightly less than the maximum allowable amount so as to avoid
suspicion. Altogether, Noe allegedly contributed $45,400 of his own
money through 24 friends and associates who then made the contributions
in their names in order to skirt the $2,000 limit for individual
contributors.
Noel Hillman, section chief the of the U.S. Department of Justice's
public integrity section said that "It's one of the most blatant and
excessive finance schemes we have encountered".
Noe has not yet been arrested. Plans are reportedly underway for him to surrender to authorities.
Noe is charged with making contributions in the names of others, in
violation of the FECA's anti-conduit provision. The indictment charges
that Noe also conspired to make contributions in the names of others,
to cause the submission of false statements to the Federal Election
Commission, and to defraud the United States. The indictment alleges
that Noe caused the conduits to fill out contribution cards and forms
falsely certifying that they were making the contributions themselves,
and that these false statements caused President Bush's campaign
committee to unknowingly submit a false campaign finance report to the
FEC. The campaign committee has been fully cooperative with the
government's investigation.
If convicted, Noe faces a maximum sentence on each count of five years
in prison. The conspiracy and false statement counts carry a maximum
fine of $250,000, and the FECA count carries a mandatory fine of
between $136,200 and $454,000.
This case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Seth D. Uram
and David O. Bauer of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Northern
District of Ohio, which is headed by U.S. Attorney Gregory A. White,
and Trial Attorney John P. Pearson of the Public Integrity Section,
which is headed by Section Chief Noel L. Hillman. The case is being
investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Noe, a coin dealer, is also the central figure in the state's Worker's
Compensation scandal. He is under investigation involving a $50,000
million investment in rare coins he managed for the state Bureau of
Workers' Compensation fund.
Ohio Attorney General Jim Petro has accused Noe to stealing up to $4
million from the state. Noe has acknowledged that nearly $13 million is
in question.
In August, Ohio Gov. Bob Taft became the first Ohio governor ever
charged with a crime when prosecutors filed four misdemeanor counts
against him for violations of state ethics laws stemming from his
failure to report 52 gifts which included golf games, meals and
professional sports tickets.
He pleaded no contest to the charges and was fined $4,000, the maximum.
Ohio law says that public officers are required to report all gifts
that are worth more than $75 if the donor is not reimbursed. Among the
gifts at issue were golf outings with Noe.
CLEVELAND, OHIO--Charges of public corruption among Republicans in Ohio
widened Thursday with a federal grand jury indicting Thomas W. Noe, a
former Republican party fundraiser, for allegedly making illegal
campaign contributions using conduit contributors.
The three-count indictment with charges of conspiracy, public
corruption, false statements and violations of the federal campaign
contribution act, alleges that beginning in October 2003, Noe made
contributions to President George W. Bush's 2004 re-election campaign
over and above the limits established by the Federal Election Campaign
Act (FECA). He did so, according to the indictment, in order to fulfill
his pledge to raise $50,000 for a Bush-Cheney fundraiser held in
Columbus, Ohio on Oct. 30, 2003.
The
indictment alleges that Noe, a close personal friend of Gov. Robert
Taft, disguised his contributions by recruiting and providing money to
friends and associates who made campaign contributions in their own
names. The indictment also alleges that Noe wrote several checks in
amounts slightly less than the maximum allowable amount so as to avoid
suspicion. Altogether, Noe allegedly contributed $45,400 of his own
money through 24 friends and associates who then made the contributions
in their names in order to skirt the $2,000 limit for individual
contributors.
Noel Hillman, section chief the of the U.S. Department of Justice's
public integrity section said that "It's one of the most blatant and
excessive finance schemes we have encountered".
Noe has not yet been arrested. Plans are reportedly underway for him to surrender to authorities.
Noe is charged with making contributions in the names of others, in
violation of the FECA's anti-conduit provision. The indictment charges
that Noe also conspired to make contributions in the names of others,
to cause the submission of false statements to the Federal Election
Commission, and to defraud the United States. The indictment alleges
that Noe caused the conduits to fill out contribution cards and forms
falsely certifying that they were making the contributions themselves,
and that these false statements caused President Bush's campaign
committee to unknowingly submit a false campaign finance report to the
FEC. The campaign committee has been fully cooperative with the
government's investigation.
If convicted, Noe faces a maximum sentence on each count of five years
in prison. The conspiracy and false statement counts carry a maximum
fine of $250,000, and the FECA count carries a mandatory fine of
between $136,200 and $454,000.
This case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Seth D. Uram
and David O. Bauer of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Northern
District of Ohio, which is headed by U.S. Attorney Gregory A. White,
and Trial Attorney John P. Pearson of the Public Integrity Section,
which is headed by Section Chief Noel L. Hillman. The case is being
investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Noe, a coin dealer, is also the central figure in the state's Worker's
Compensation scandal. He is under investigation involving a $50,000
million investment in rare coins he managed for the state Bureau of
Workers' Compensation fund.
Ohio Attorney General Jim Petro has accused Noe to stealing up to $4
million from the state. Noe has acknowledged that nearly $13 million is
in question.
In August, Ohio Gov. Bob Taft became the first Ohio governor ever
charged with a crime when prosecutors filed four misdemeanor counts
against him for violations of state ethics laws stemming from his
failure to report 52 gifts which included golf games, meals and
professional sports tickets.
He pleaded no contest to the charges and was fined $4,000, the maximum.
Ohio law says that public officers are required to report all gifts
that are worth more than $75 if the donor is not reimbursed. Among the
gifts at issue were golf outings with Noe.
Lobbyist Had Close Contact With Bush Team |
|
by Sharon Theimer | |
In President Bush's first 10 months, GOP fundraiser Jack Abramoff and his lobbying team logged nearly 200 contacts with the new administration as they pressed for friendly hires at federal agencies and sought to keep the Northern Mariana Islands exempt from the minimum wage and other laws, records show. The meetings between Abramoff's lobbying team and the administration ranged from Attorney General John Ashcroft to policy advisers in Vice President Dick Cheney's office, according to his lobbying firm billing records. Abramoff, a $100,000-plus fundraiser for Bush, is now under criminal investigation for some of his lobbying work. His firm boasted its lobbying team helped revise a section of the Republican Party's 2000 platform to make it favorable to its island client. In addition, two of Abramoff's lobbying colleagues on the Marianas won political appointments inside federal agencies. "Our standing with the new administration promises to be solid as several friends of the CNMI (islands) will soon be taking high-ranking positions in the Administration, including within the Interior Department," Abramoff wrote in a January 2001 letter in which he persuaded the island government to follow him as a client to his new lobbying firm, Greenberg Traurig. The reception Abramoff's team received from the Bush administration was in stark contrast to the chilly relations of the Clinton years. Abramoff, then at the Preston Gates firm, scored few meetings with Clinton aides and the lobbyist and the islands vehemently opposed White House attempts to extend U.S. labor laws to the territory's clothing factories. The records from Abramoff's firm, obtained by The Associated Press from the Marianas under an open records request, chronicle Abramoff's careful cultivation of relations with Bush's political team as far back as 1997. In that year, Abramoff charged the Marianas for getting then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush to write a letter expressing support for the Pacific territory's school choice proposal, his billing records show. "I hope you will keep my office informed on the progress of this initiative," Bush wrote in a July 18, 1997, letter praising the islands' school plan and copying in an Abramoff deputy. White House spokeswoman Erin Healy said Thursday that Bush didn't consider Abramoff a friend. "They may have met on occasion, but the president does not know him," she said. As for the number of Abramoff lobbying team contacts with Bush officials documented in the billing records, Healy said: "We do not know how he defines 'contacts.'" Andrew Blum, a spokesman for Abramoff, declined comment. The Greenberg Traurig firm, where Abramoff worked between late 2000 and early 2004, is investigating Abramoff's work and cooperating with government investigations. "Greenberg Traurig accepted Jack Abramoff's resignation from the firm, effective March 2, 2004, after Mr. Abramoff disclosed to the firm personal transactions and related conduct which are unacceptable to the firm and antithetical to the way we do business," spokeswoman Jill Perry said. Abramoff is now under federal investigation amid allegations he overcharged tribal clients by millions of dollars, and his ties to powerful lawmakers such as House Majority Leader Tom DeLay are under increasing scrutiny. The documents show his team also had extensive access to Bush administration officials, meeting with Cheney policy advisers Ron Christie and Stephen Ruhlen, Ashcroft at the Justice Department, White House intergovernmental affairs chief Ruben Barrales, U.S. Trade Representative Robert Zoellick, Deputy Interior Secretary Steven Griles and others. Most of the contacts were handled by Abramoff's subordinates, who then reported back to him on the meetings. Abramoff met several times personally with top Interior officials, whose Office of Insular Affairs oversees the Mariana Islands and other U.S. territories. |
Lobbyist Had Close Contact With Bush Team |
|
by Sharon Theimer | |
In President Bush's first 10 months, GOP fundraiser Jack Abramoff and his lobbying team logged nearly 200 contacts with the new administration as they pressed for friendly hires at federal agencies and sought to keep the Northern Mariana Islands exempt from the minimum wage and other laws, records show. The meetings between Abramoff's lobbying team and the administration ranged from Attorney General John Ashcroft to policy advisers in Vice President Dick Cheney's office, according to his lobbying firm billing records. Abramoff, a $100,000-plus fundraiser for Bush, is now under criminal investigation for some of his lobbying work. His firm boasted its lobbying team helped revise a section of the Republican Party's 2000 platform to make it favorable to its island client. In addition, two of Abramoff's lobbying colleagues on the Marianas won political appointments inside federal agencies. "Our standing with the new administration promises to be solid as several friends of the CNMI (islands) will soon be taking high-ranking positions in the Administration, including within the Interior Department," Abramoff wrote in a January 2001 letter in which he persuaded the island government to follow him as a client to his new lobbying firm, Greenberg Traurig. The reception Abramoff's team received from the Bush administration was in stark contrast to the chilly relations of the Clinton years. Abramoff, then at the Preston Gates firm, scored few meetings with Clinton aides and the lobbyist and the islands vehemently opposed White House attempts to extend U.S. labor laws to the territory's clothing factories. The records from Abramoff's firm, obtained by The Associated Press from the Marianas under an open records request, chronicle Abramoff's careful cultivation of relations with Bush's political team as far back as 1997. In that year, Abramoff charged the Marianas for getting then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush to write a letter expressing support for the Pacific territory's school choice proposal, his billing records show. "I hope you will keep my office informed on the progress of this initiative," Bush wrote in a July 18, 1997, letter praising the islands' school plan and copying in an Abramoff deputy. White House spokeswoman Erin Healy said Thursday that Bush didn't consider Abramoff a friend. "They may have met on occasion, but the president does not know him," she said. As for the number of Abramoff lobbying team contacts with Bush officials documented in the billing records, Healy said: "We do not know how he defines 'contacts.'" Andrew Blum, a spokesman for Abramoff, declined comment. The Greenberg Traurig firm, where Abramoff worked between late 2000 and early 2004, is investigating Abramoff's work and cooperating with government investigations. "Greenberg Traurig accepted Jack Abramoff's resignation from the firm, effective March 2, 2004, after Mr. Abramoff disclosed to the firm personal transactions and related conduct which are unacceptable to the firm and antithetical to the way we do business," spokeswoman Jill Perry said. Abramoff is now under federal investigation amid allegations he overcharged tribal clients by millions of dollars, and his ties to powerful lawmakers such as House Majority Leader Tom DeLay are under increasing scrutiny. The documents show his team also had extensive access to Bush administration officials, meeting with Cheney policy advisers Ron Christie and Stephen Ruhlen, Ashcroft at the Justice Department, White House intergovernmental affairs chief Ruben Barrales, U.S. Trade Representative Robert Zoellick, Deputy Interior Secretary Steven Griles and others. Most of the contacts were handled by Abramoff's subordinates, who then reported back to him on the meetings. Abramoff met several times personally with top Interior officials, whose Office of Insular Affairs oversees the Mariana Islands and other U.S. territories. |
In all, the records show at least 195 contacts between Abramoff's Marianas lobbying team and the Bush administration from February through November 2001.
At least two people who worked on Abramoff's team at Preston Gates wound up with Bush administration jobs: Patrick Pizzella, named an assistant secretary of labor by Bush; and David Safavian, chosen by Bush to oversee federal procurement policy in the Office of Management and Budget.
"We have worked with WH Office of Presidential Personnel to ensure that CNMI-relevant positions at various agencies are not awarded to enemies of CNMI," Abramoff's team wrote the Marianas in an October 2001 report on its work for the year.
Abramoff's team didn't neglect party politics either: There were at least two meetings with Republican National Committee officials, including then-finance chief Jack Oliver, as well as attendance at GOP fundraisers.
In 2000, Abramoff and his team were connected enough to both political parties to boast of obtaining early drafts of the platforms each adopted at its presidential nominating convention.
"In the case of the Republican platform, the team reviewed and commented on sections dealing with insular territories to ensure appropriately positive treatment. This was successful," the Preston Gates firm wrote to Marianas.
"In the case of the Democratic Party platform, the team assisted in drafting early versions of neutral language relating to the territories," the firm wrote. "However, heavy intervention by the White House eventually deleted positive references to the CNMI."
The access of Abramoff and his team to the administration came as the lobbyist was establishing himself as a GOP fundraiser.
Abramoff and his wife each gave $5,000 to Bush's 2000 recount fund and the maximum $1,000 to his 2000 campaign. By mid-2003, Abramoff had raised at least $100,000 for Bush's re-election campaign, becoming one of Bush's famed "pioneers."
Money also flowed from the Marianas to Bush's re-election campaign: It took in at least $36,000 from island donors, much of it from members of the Tan family, whose clothing factories were a routine stop for lawmakers and their aides visiting the islands on Abramoff-organized trips.
Two Tan family companies gave $25,000 each to the National Republican Senatorial Committee for the 2002 elections. Greenberg Traurig, too, was a big GOP giver. Its donations included $20,000 to the Republican National Committee for the 2000 elections and $25,000 each to the GOP's House and Senate fundraising committees in 2000 and again in 2002.
The Marianas' lobbying paid off — it fended off proposals in 2001 to extend the U.S. minimum wage to island workers and gained at least $2 million more in federal aid from the administration.
Abramoff's team bragged to the cash-strapped Marianas government that the taxpayer money would cover its lobbying bill: "We believe that this additional funding — along with other funds we expect to secure by the end of the year — will make clear to even our biggest critics that we pay for ourselves," Abramoff teammate Kevin Ring wrote in October 2001, copying in Abramoff.
In all, the records show at least 195 contacts between Abramoff's Marianas lobbying team and the Bush administration from February through November 2001.
At least two people who worked on Abramoff's team at Preston Gates wound up with Bush administration jobs: Patrick Pizzella, named an assistant secretary of labor by Bush; and David Safavian, chosen by Bush to oversee federal procurement policy in the Office of Management and Budget.
"We have worked with WH Office of Presidential Personnel to ensure that CNMI-relevant positions at various agencies are not awarded to enemies of CNMI," Abramoff's team wrote the Marianas in an October 2001 report on its work for the year.
Abramoff's team didn't neglect party politics either: There were at least two meetings with Republican National Committee officials, including then-finance chief Jack Oliver, as well as attendance at GOP fundraisers.
In 2000, Abramoff and his team were connected enough to both political parties to boast of obtaining early drafts of the platforms each adopted at its presidential nominating convention.
"In the case of the Republican platform, the team reviewed and commented on sections dealing with insular territories to ensure appropriately positive treatment. This was successful," the Preston Gates firm wrote to Marianas.
"In the case of the Democratic Party platform, the team assisted in drafting early versions of neutral language relating to the territories," the firm wrote. "However, heavy intervention by the White House eventually deleted positive references to the CNMI."
The access of Abramoff and his team to the administration came as the lobbyist was establishing himself as a GOP fundraiser.
Abramoff and his wife each gave $5,000 to Bush's 2000 recount fund and the maximum $1,000 to his 2000 campaign. By mid-2003, Abramoff had raised at least $100,000 for Bush's re-election campaign, becoming one of Bush's famed "pioneers."
Money also flowed from the Marianas to Bush's re-election campaign: It took in at least $36,000 from island donors, much of it from members of the Tan family, whose clothing factories were a routine stop for lawmakers and their aides visiting the islands on Abramoff-organized trips.
Two Tan family companies gave $25,000 each to the National Republican Senatorial Committee for the 2002 elections. Greenberg Traurig, too, was a big GOP giver. Its donations included $20,000 to the Republican National Committee for the 2000 elections and $25,000 each to the GOP's House and Senate fundraising committees in 2000 and again in 2002.
The Marianas' lobbying paid off — it fended off proposals in 2001 to extend the U.S. minimum wage to island workers and gained at least $2 million more in federal aid from the administration.
Abramoff's team bragged to the cash-strapped Marianas government that the taxpayer money would cover its lobbying bill: "We believe that this additional funding — along with other funds we expect to secure by the end of the year — will make clear to even our biggest critics that we pay for ourselves," Abramoff teammate Kevin Ring wrote in October 2001, copying in Abramoff.
Nice work...Louisville...it's a big circle....money talks and all these politicians are after it...If your basing your judgement on a presidential candidate's investors then you better look at every single person who has given a dollar....I'm sure there are some slum people out there who have donated to hillary's run....Obama gave the money to charity...case closed...
Nice work...Louisville...it's a big circle....money talks and all these politicians are after it...If your basing your judgement on a presidential candidate's investors then you better look at every single person who has given a dollar....I'm sure there are some slum people out there who have donated to hillary's run....Obama gave the money to charity...case closed...
Looks like the HSU is on the other foot.
One question Sarg, you seem to have conservative leanings, who would you rather have on the Dem ticket, Hillary or Obama.
Personally, If I wanted the GOP to win in '08, I would think you would want Hillary on the ticket.
Lot of young folks like Obama
Looks like the HSU is on the other foot.
One question Sarg, you seem to have conservative leanings, who would you rather have on the Dem ticket, Hillary or Obama.
Personally, If I wanted the GOP to win in '08, I would think you would want Hillary on the ticket.
Lot of young folks like Obama
Looks like the HSU is on the other foot.
One question Sarg, you seem to have conservative leanings, who would you rather have on the Dem ticket, Hillary or Obama.
Personally, If I wanted the GOP to win in '08, I would think you would want Hillary on the ticket.
Lot of young folks like Obama
Looks like the HSU is on the other foot.
One question Sarg, you seem to have conservative leanings, who would you rather have on the Dem ticket, Hillary or Obama.
Personally, If I wanted the GOP to win in '08, I would think you would want Hillary on the ticket.
Lot of young folks like Obama
I knew Mets was sharp when I met him in Belize for the Championship game.
I think he swept the board that night, or went 8 out of 10, or something like that.....
He seemed to nail this prediction too
I knew Mets was sharp when I met him in Belize for the Championship game.
I think he swept the board that night, or went 8 out of 10, or something like that.....
He seemed to nail this prediction too
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